ảng CSVN khoe Mỹ ct Nguỵ nho ngy nay lạy Mỹ vo nhgreenspun.com : LUSENET : Vietnamese American Society : One Thread |
What is the point to fight with USA and now inviting US Warship to visit VieT Nam ? What wasting in Vitnamese lives and resources. Who is to blame for all of this?
-- (|||||A|||@LLL.com), November 20, 2004
Bảng Liệt K những Tội Lỗi của Đảng Cộng Sản Mafia Việt Nam:
1/ Nguyễn sinh Cung (tức l Hồ Ch Minh) đ chỉ điểm cho thực dn Php bắt Phan Bội Chu.
2/ Đảng Cộng Sản cướp đất v st hại hng chục ngn đồng bo miền Bắc qua Cải cch ruộng đất 1954.
3/ Đảng Cộng Sản chn sống hng chục ngn đồng bo Huế qua Tết Mậu Thn 1968.
4/ Đảng Cộng Sản cướp ti sản của nhn dn miền Nam qua ci gọi l "Đnh tư Mại Sản" v "Kinh Tế Mới" 1976-1977.
5/ Đảng Cộng Sản Việt Nam lấy chiu bi "Giải Phỏng Dn Tộc, chống Mỹ cứu nước" đ đẩy hng triệu thanh thiếu nin miền Bắc Việt Nam vo chổ chết. Ngy hm nay, chng lại quỳ gối xin bang giao v hợp tc qun sư. với đế quốc Mỹ . Đảng CSVN phải chịu trach nhiệm vơi những nạn nhn đ bị nhiễm cht độc da cam của Mỹ.
6/ Phạm Văn Đồng đ cng nhận chủ quyền của Trung Cộng trn hai quần đảo Hong Sa v Trường Sa. Năm 1974,trong lc Hải Qun Việt Nam Cộng Ha đơn độc nghnh chiến với Trung Cộng v dng xc chiếc hạm ủi bi lm bia chủ quyền. Đảng Cộng Sản Việt Nam đ nhắm mắt lm ngơ trước hnh động xm lăng ny. Lin X đ ln n Trung Cộng về vụ xm chiếm ny, trong khi đ Cộng Sản Việt Nam đ cm miệng một cch hn hạ.
7/ Năm 2001, Cộng Sản Việt Nam k hiệp định dng đất v biển cho Trung Cộng. Kết quả l mất Ải Nam Quan v Thc Bản Dốc , vng khai thc dầu của Trung Cộng lấn st thm vo Vịnh Bắc B.
8/ Đảng Cộng Sản Việt Nam tham quyền cố vị, cản bước tiến kinh tế của đất nước, khăng khăng m chế đ. độc đảng, nhắm mắt lm ngơ trước những đi hỏi đn chủ ha đất nước
9/Đảng Cộng Sản Việt Nam dung tng cho cc hoạt động mua bn phụ nữ Việt Nam sang Trung Quốc, Campuchia, Thi Lan, Đi Loan v trn E-bay.
10/ Đảng Cộng Sản Việt Nam dng lại những thủ đoạn "Tứ Đ? Tường" của thực dn Php để đầu độc v ru ngủ lng yu nước của thanh nin Việt Nam.
http://www.rfvn.com/music/Tieng_Goi_Non_Song/Hat_Cho_Ngay_Saigon_Quat_ Khoi.MP3
http://www.rfvn.com/music/Tieng_Goi_Non_Song/Xin_Hay_Lam_Anh_Duoc.MP3
-- Sung M16 (SungM16@yahoo.com), November 20, 2004.
Những ngui Miền Nam sau 30-4-75 đ biết thế no l bọn cộng sản tham tn t học v văn ho ko văn minh , 1 con vật hơn co người, thnh thư ai đ gọi bọn đội nn cối ngy sưa l khỉ đỏ đt cũng khng sai lắm Southeast AsiaAnniversary fails to spark popular excitement By Nguyen Nam Phuong
HANOI - The 25th anniversary of the fall of Saigon passed in relatively low key fashion over the weekend, despite a foreign media circus that brought hundreds of reporters flocking to Ho Chi Minh City.
The April 30 celebrations, marking the victory of the North over the US-backed Southern regime, bore the kind of pomp that usually accompanies important dates on the Vietnamese Communist calendar. However, growing reconciliation with its former foe, the US, meant that national pride was higher on the agenda than lingering resentment.
Ho Chi Minh City's main streets were festooned with red and gold banners and propaganda posters hailing the victory, meaning that none of the city's inhabitants - many of whom would rather forget the anniversary - could avoid it.
The crowning event of the weekend was a parade in the grounds of the Reunification Palace on Sunday. The building, known as the Presidential Palace under the Southern regime, was the sight of the surrender exactly 25 years earlier as northern tanks burst through its gates. A huge banner of a grinning and waving Ho Chi Minh, former president of North Vietnam, who died six years before the end of the war, hung over the palace's facade.
With speeches notably kept to a minimum, a moment of silence was followed by military marches. Tunes singing the praises of such key institutions as the People, the Party, the army and Ho Chi Minh himself were aired. Girls in traditional ao dai dresses bearing flowers performed stiffly choreographed maneuvers with victorious soldiers. In the afternoon there was a mass wedding of 25 couples, each in gaudy traditional garb.
But among the Saigonese the celebrations elicited little enthusiasm and, if anything dredged up memories best left forgotten.
Dong - not his real name - a middle-aged doctor, remembers how, at the time, his hopes for a reunified Vietnam outweighed his fear of communism. ''We were very naive about politics and thought that what the Americans told us about communism was just propaganda,'' he says. ''Later we learned that it was in fact very close to the truth.'' Keen to put his skills to work for the post-war nation, Dong was instead ordered to clean floors by the northern staff that took over his hospital. He says several patients died due to the incompetence of the new doctors, who boasted impressive communist credentials but poor medical knowledge. Like so many middle-class Saigonese, Dong was sent to ''re-education camp'', which in his case was a former US military compound. There he spent seven months of forced labor and political indoctrination.
Hanh - also not her real name - was born in 1971. Her memory of the ''liberation'' is sketchy but she does remember waving a communist flag with her father to show support for the incoming troops. Harsh times followed and poverty drove her family to a number of abortive attempts to leave the country with thousands who fled in boats. Nevertheless, over the past decade things have improved and she is happy to leave her dark childhood memories behind. On the subject of the anniversary, her sentiments are shared by many. ''I'm looking forward to the holiday. I'll get two days off work and a bonus,'' she explained.
Lack of interest among the Saigonese might have been one reason for the apparent decision to downplay the celebrations. Another could be that the government is now trying to draw back the Overseas Vietnamese who left at the end of, or soon after, the war. Remittances from sizeable Vietnamese communities, notably in North America, Australia and France, have helped to make Ho Chi Minh City easily the most prosperous city in the country. Market-oriented reforms have gathered sufficient pace to persuade many of the business-minded exiles to consider building bridges with their homeland. Once treated with deep suspicion, the government has recently made gestures - such as exempting them from exorbitant foreigner prices for train and plane travel - to lure them and their capital back.
A heavy-handed or overly jubilant approach to the anniversary would also have sent the wrong signals to foreign investors, who tolerate communist rhetoric as long as it remains only that. With the eyes of the world focused on the country whose name has become synonymous with a war, the Vietnamese leadership was careful to appear neither smug nor provocative.
Some diplomatic sniping did occur prior to the festivities, however.
Former US Republican presidential nominee, Senator John McCain speaking in Ho Chi Minh City told reporters that ''the wrong guys won'' the war and that the ruling Communist party was holding back Vietnam's development. To add insult to injury, McCain - who had played a key role in the normalization of US-Vietnam relations - refused to endorse a possible visit by President Bill Clinton, claiming the trip could be interpreted as a reward the regime did not deserve.
This came on the heels of his visit a few days earlier to the ''Hanoi Hilton'' prison where he had spent five years as a prisoner of war. There, McCain reiterated that he could not forgive his captors, whom he accused of torture and the killing of a number of his friends.
Reacting to his comments, a spokeswoman from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that Americans, who committed ''horrendous crimes'' in Vietnam, had no right to make such allegations, which she said were untrue. ''It runs counter to the norms of morality that those people who brought bombs and shells to sow death among our people and wreak havoc with a country now pass themselves off as having the right to criticize their victims-cum-saviors,'' she added.
US brutalities were further highlighted at a commemoration held in Hanoi on the eve of the anniversary. Vietnam's leaders gathered for a slew of solemn speeches, after watching footage of US soldiers burning villages and roughly interrogating suspected communist sympathizers. Ironically, the show also featured newsreel clips of Buddhist monks immolating themselves in Saigon in protest at their treatment at the hands of the former pro-Catholic Southern regime.
Only two days earlier however, dissident Buddhist leader Thich Huyen Quang, called on the government to proclaim April 30 ''a national day of repentance for the Communist Party of Vietnam''. In a letter to Vietnam's top leaders, the head of the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam asked those in charge not only to ''remember all those who were killed or wounded during the war, but also those who are alive but have been deprived of their basic freedoms, human rights and individual freedom''.
In a bid to put a shine on Vietnam's much-battered human rights record, the government said it would free more than 12,000 prisoners in an amnesty to mark the anniversary. The unexpectedly high total includes 29 foreigners.
It was not revealed whether alleged political prisoners, whom the government denies detaining, would be among them.
(Inter Press Service)
-- (Cn_Ngố_Ăn-Dải-Dt@BBP.govt), November 20, 2004.
KOSOVO AND VIETNAMIn the first week of April 1999, there were discussions on the possibility of ground forces from the NATO countries to be sent to deal with the Kosovo crisis. Those who oppose the use of ground forces in Serbia warn the United States and its NATO allies that a Yugoslavia re-enactment of the Vietnam War is lying ahead, with American and Allied troops bogged down in a protracted conflict for years.
Such argument is correct in several ways.
Firstly, to fight a war, a nation must be determined in ultimate victory, and economy of forces by the strategy of escalation is not effective. The strategy only help the enemy buy time to prepare for stronger resistance Without that determination, the Allied should not start the offensive as the United Stated shouldn't have involved in Vietnam.
Secondly, to rely solely on fire power even with hi-tech weapons could not win a war against rulers like Ho Chi Minh and his successors, or Milosevic and his generals, who are ready to lose everything, to force their people to suffer every hardship of war, just for the survival of their regime and themselves. Bombs only resolve a little.
Furthermore, the United States could not use unlimited number of cruise missiles, each cost a million dollars. If Milosevic could withstand NATO bombardments for six months, how much the impatient Americans would support the missile attacks that rise the total cost of multi-billion dollars to win the Balkan War?
There are similarities between the Vietnam War and the Kosovo War. Both were fought to stop the brazen aggressors to preserve international order, and to prevent war from spreading over the region. Both looked like civilian wars, but they have actually been aggressive wars that threatened peace in the regions.
Many writers and scholars reject the domino theory after the Vietnam War. But if they had been in Vietnam after April 30, 1975, they would have heard hundreds of high ranking Vietnamese Communist officers telling them how the North Vietnamese Army had been prepared to invade Thailand and farther if they had conquered South Vietnam in 1965.
Situation in Kosovo is somewhat alike. Though the consequences of the Kosovo War could be less important but it still in the interests of the Americans to intervene in the crisis in Kosovo as in Vietnam 34 years ago.
The argument, however is not correct in some other aspects.
Though Milosevic is somehow a dictator, his regime is not so oppressive and brutal as the North Vietnamese Communism. Yugoslavians still enjoy some freedom, much more than under the Vietnamese Communist regime. Hanoi propaganda efforts were extremely much stronger than that of the today's Belgrade.
The most important is that Milosevic gets supports from very limited sources, especially military supplies. North Vietnamese Communist regime was receiving staggering aids of all kinds from its comrades, China, the Soviet Union, all Communist nations and Communist parties all round the world. It has been estimated that the world Communists were giving Hanoi their greatest help from propaganda materials (publications including short stories of war in small booklets) to all kinds of weapons.
If there were studies on the aids of the Soviet bloc and Red China to North Vietnam from 1961 to 1975 based on the losses of military equipment on the Communist side, it would be undeniable that the total value of material assistance from the world Communists could amount to at least many tens of billion dollars, probably a little less than what Washington spent in Vietnam, including military aid to the South Vietnam armed forces. Milosevic does not have such supports.
In the Vietnam War, Hanoi gained considerable support from Western media. Insufficient and one-sided reports on TV, radios, news publications were dealing deadly blows to the morale of American and South Vietnamese troops. Now that Western media has learned expensive and bloody experiences from Vietnam and thanks to modern communications technique, Milosevic fails to gain advantages that Hanoi enjoyed in the 1960s.
Moreover, Yugoslavia has lesser human resources than North Vietnam, and Milosevic certainly dares not waste his million citizens' lives for victories as did Ho Chi Minh and his subordinates.
In another aspect, Milosevic regime is not supported by a Communist party that used terrorism as a major war instrument and brutal control measures to conduct guerrilla warfare.
Milosevic might be defeated but the United States and its allies would have to pay a very high prices and much time.
At last, the shameful defeat in Vietnam will be forever a subject for friends or foes to humiliate the United States. And the foes would be poking at that incurable smarting blister until Washington could prove that although it made great mistakes in conducting the Vietnam War, the American soldiers were fighting for a right cause in Vietnam. The best way to wash out the insult is supporting the Vietnamese in Vietnam and abroad to peacefully dissolve the Communist regime and restore democracy and freedom for Vietnam.
*******
April 12, 1999.
-- (DrX@CarịTra.com), November 20, 2004.